GOVERNOR Babatunde Raji Fashola of Lagos State and his predecessor,
Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the All Progressives Congress (APC) National
Leader appear to be locked in fiercest political battle of their lives
over the former’s successor.
Fashola appears to be telling his mentor (Tinubu) that he too has
come of age after about eight years in office and is set to challenge
him.
Whether Fashola, who has been dispatching political issues to 26
Bourdillon Street, the palace of Asiwaju in Ikoyi for resolution since
2007 will succeed, tomorrow will show after the APC gubernatorial
primaries in Lagos. Fashola has since assumption of office placed
higher premium on governance than politics.
But a source who spoke under anonymity confirmed to The Guardian
yesterday that the taciturn lawyer from Surulere area of Lagos has
changed.
“He is now ready for politics of 2015. Fashola may not have been
playing politics, but he is deeper now and he understands that only the
deep can call to the deep, and so he is even much deeper, though he has
not been making noise as others…,” was the way one of Fashola’s advisers
described the new spirit in Fashola.
The Guardian was told that Tinubu’s henchmen are not ignorant of
the artful devices of Fashola’s men for Alausa 2015 and the genius of
Bourdillon too has been planning strategically to demonstrate that he
has been the founder and funder of the party. As Tinubu’s close ally
said yesterday, “Asiwaju is aware of all the shenanigan and scheming
going on in all the camps for the purpose of getting a successor to
Fashola…and he is accepting all the challenges.”
Specifically, sources confirmed to The Guardian that Fashola’s men
are the powers behind three powerful contenders, namely Hamzat, Sashore
and Tokunbo Wahab, who have been labeled as Plans A, B & C. Hamzat
is generally believed to be Fashola’s first choice. Then the resourceful
governor was told that religion has deeply crept into Lagos politics, a
development that was said to have led to manifestation of Akinwumi
Ambode, a Christian from Epe, hence the Plan B: Sashore, an accomplished
lawyer and former Attorney General of Lagos State. It was learned that
the Fashola group has also prepared another dark horse, Tokunbo Wahab,
who is generally believed to be a candidate that may be acceptable to
Tinubu, after all.
But inquiries revealed that Tinubu who was initially suspected have
manifested the former Accountant General of Lagos State, Ambode with a
view to dumping him for a dark horse, has not changed his mind on
Ambode. His (Tinubu’s) men are perfecting their strategy for the
unexpected ambush his boys that have grown up to be men of means.
The war theatre
What appears to be a bruising political war is in country’s main opposition party, the APC, will begin tomorrow in Lagos.
What watchers of the polity in the state know is that the battle-line
has been drawn between the leader of the APC both in the state and the
entire Southwest, and a co-leader at the national level, Tinubu and
Fashola.
But what the polity watchers do not know, and can only hazard a
guess, is the likely consequence(s) of the fight of the tartans on the
fortunes of the APC in the state, which could point the way to a
national political cataclysm for the party.
The ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has plotted over the
years to take hold of Lagos State; and since 1999, the desire has been a
pipedream.
But any mis-step by the gladiators in the Lagos APC might hand the PDP that chance of 16 years on a platter.
The bone of contention in the unfolding story is who, between
Tinubu and Fashola, has the upper hand in the struggle for the fillet.
Stripped of all ambiguities, each of them wants to anoint the next governor of Lagos State on the platform of the APC.
And with the date of the governorship primaries of the party drawing
down to a matter of hours, the intrigues in the “feuding” camps have
reached unprecedented level.
Plans for an APC governor
Initial permutation for the emergence of the party governor was to
choose from a wide field of aspirants spread across the three senatorial
districts of the state.
The cry of marginalisation soon cropped up from the Lagos East,
which felt alienated from the scheme of things in the state polity.
Afraid of the rival PDP using the marginalisation cry as a campaign tool against it, the APC conceded the slot to Lagos East.
But then, there was another hurdle to cross, as the work of picking
the governor was cut out for the party when the agitation for a
Christian devotee became cacophonous, to the point of threatening to
derail the party, which eventually capitulated.
That was when a dark horse, “totally unknown in the activities of
the party in the state,” came on the scene, a source told The Guardian.
Enter Mr. Akinwunmi Ambode, former Accountant General of Lagos
State. Besides being a Christian, which fits into the gambit of the
moment; he is reputed as one of the strategists behind the jumbo
Internally Generated Revenue (IGR) the state government earns monthly.
From a paltry N600 million that the Tinubu administration met in
1999, the revenue moved up to N10 billion on the eve of that government,
and ballooned to an average of N27 billion monthly, as the Fashola
regime is winding down, thus standing Lagos out as, perhaps, the only
state in Nigeria that can withstand the adverse effect of the dwindling
revenue returns from the Federation Account.
Indeed, during the then President Olusegun Obasanjo-led
administration (199-2007), Lagos withstood the illegal withholding of
the allocations to its local governments on account of its creation of
additional 37 councils to the constitutionally recognised 20.
These two possessions — being a Christian and an economic planner,
in addition to having worked across the local governments in the state
during his service years — recommended Ambode to Tinubu in particular
and others who control the levers of power in the state.
Recall the “open endorsement” of the pick by the revered Oba of
Lagos, Rilwan Akiolu, at a time people were still asking, “Ambode who”
when the name first appeared in the media in connection with the Lagos
governorship.
Now, it is no longer who is Ambode, but how to thwart the efforts
of the Tinubu camp from presenting and crowning him as the governor of
Lagos State in 2015.
Reportedly spearheading this new frontier is Fashola, who has a ‘Plan B’ in the person of Shasore.
Shasore’s resumé, putting in a good word for him to Fashola, is his
experience in working with the three arms of government — executive,
legislature and judiciary — in the formulation and implementation of
policies and programmes of the government.
His is also a strong advocate for conferring on Lagos State a
“special status” as the economic nerve centre of the country even when
Nigeria is driven by petro-dollar from oil and gas from the Niger Delta
(South-South geopolitical zone) of the country.
Fashola’ s challenge of
Tinubu’s suzerainty
Tinubu, undoubtedly a political tactician of repute in today’s
Nigeria, almost got his fingers burnt in 2007 when he settled on and
presented Fashola as the governorship candidate of the defunct Action
Congress (AC), which metamorphosed into Action Congress of Nigeria
(ACN).
Fashola, Tinubu’s Chief of Staff, was never in the governorship
reckoning, at least in the eyes of those party men and women that stood
by, and fought with Tinubu in the political battles to win Lagos State
in 1999 and retain it in 2003 for the ‘Progressives.’
These individuals, popularly referred to as ‘Tinubu Boys’, had
positioned themselves for the governor’s seat before Tinubu launched
Fashola.
However, as Chief of Staff, Fashola was part of Tinubu’s inner
cycle, and he knew the workings of the government and, more importantly,
had the ears of his Oga better than the politicians angling for the
position of governor.
Yet, “these politicians would not take this crap,” to quote a source, “and decided on a gang-up, which failed to fly.”
“In the end, many of the aggrieved governorship aspirants returned
and begged for forgiveness and compensation with other elective or
appointive positions, which they got,” the source said.
“The few, who decided to quit the fold and tried their luck in the field against Tinubu’s candidates, lost out woefully.”
Pundits were surprised in the run-up to the 2011 elections that
Fashola had issues with his benefactor, and wanted to carve a niche for
himself in the state political arena.
It was at a time his public rating was on the high as a result of
the developmental strides his government had made in just a few years.
When the reported acrimony between Tinubu and Fashola got to the
zenith, a section of the state allegedly urged the governor to damn the
consequences and seek alternative platform for a second term in office.
This was when the story broke that Tinubu had put in motion an impeachment plot, using members of the State House of Assembly.
Although the Assembly denied the alleged moves even as it
repeatedly queried some of the actions and expenditures of the Fashola
administration, some groups went to court, seeking to sanction the
governor over accusation of misappropriation and mismanagement of state
funds.
But when the chips were down between Tinubu, a tactical politician
and Fashola, a technocrat, who, time without number, had dished
politics, and was often quoted as asking people to take their political
matters to Tinubu, the latter won the day.
“Fashola practically had to beg Tinubu. Tinubu accepted because the
who-is-who in the state, including traditional rulers, were involved in
the pleading to temper (political) justice with mercy,” a source said.
“But there was a caveat: Fashola must henceforth be of good
behaviour, and should not be heard, talk less of being seen to challenge
Tinubu’s political wisdom of the Asiwaju.
“That was how Fashola got the chance of a second term in office, which he will complete in May 2015.” .
Shasore, Ambode deny link to ‘godfathers’ but…
From the goings-on in the state polity, Fashola “may not have
abandoned his desire to stand up as a man, politically, and challenge
his godfather in the appointment of his successor in office.”
After all, it was Tinubu, as governor, who determined his
successor. “So, why can’t Fashola do the same,” an aide of the governor
queried.
The aide affirmed the quarrel over the presentation of a
governorship candidate for the Lagos APC, and the claim that Fashola was
behind the drafting of Shasore into the fray.
The aide stopped short of admitting that the Fashola camp was
responsible for the media blitz, which the Shasore campaign organisation
has embarked on in the past week for the aspirant.
“Where do you think Shasore, though a Senior Advocate of Nigeria,
got the money, running into tens of millions, to place those adverts in
the newspapers?” he said.
Interestingly, as if to confirm the link of the aspirant to the
Fashola camp, the Shasore campaign organises in the Alausa area of
Ikeja, the seat of government in the state.
But the aspirant has denied such connection to Fashola or any other
drumbeater, for that matter, insisting on his qualification for the job
of governor based on his experience, capacity and passion to serve the
people of Lagos State.
As he told a group of journalists the other day, “I don’t have a
political godfather. But in several capacities that I have served in
public service in Lagos State, I have reasons to deal with the length
and breadth of stakeholders in this state.
“As Commissioner for Justice, I actually belonged to the
government; as the Attorney General, I actually belonged to the public,
sometimes giving government advice that they don’t want to hear. So,
this situation is unique in the sense that I have to deal with several
stakeholders.
“I don’t have a godfather who is sponsoring me. I believe that I
have all-round acceptability. The disadvantage of having a godfather is
that you suddenly lose acceptability across the board.”
On being allegedly persuaded to run, Shasore said: “This is all
news to me. I took the decision to participate in this process a while
ago and I do remember the story of what you just said in the newspapers.
“There was nothing like anyone trying to convince me. I’m
convinced; it’s a strong desire; I feel a strong pool to offer myself;
it’s just an offer.
“So, in order to help out, that’s why I’m stepping out this time to take Lagos to the next level.”
If Shasore, coming into the race late, could deny a political
benefactor edging him on in the race, Ambode may not succeed in that
direction.
On the day he was introduced to the media, as part of the damage
control arising from speculations surrounding the governorship; a
retinue of Tinubu aides accompanied him, and they made no bones about
hiding the hand and heart of the party leader in the governor project.
An all-round financial accountant and management expert in his own
right, he had no political experience in its true sense before he was
drafted.
The session with the press was a sharing-of-ideas kind of parley:
The aspirant giving his bio-data, his reach/connections, and readiness
for the office of governor; and the newsmen quizzing him on some alleged
grey areas during his career in the Lagos State Government, whether he
was from the “right zone” of the state for the governor’s position, if
he was an “indigene” of Lagos and his “faith” and what he might do to
make him actualise his dream.
In the end, the pressmen got away with the impression that this was
another core professional, like incumbent Fashola, who’s not the
typical politician.
Still, there was a critical assignment to be done: that of publicly
proclaiming Ambode as the “choice” of the stakeholders in the state.
Final showdown
Tomorrow is D-Day for the test of political power between the Tinubu camp and the Fashola bloc.
The governorship primaries are through the collegiate system,
according to the guidelines issued by the national headquarters of the
APC.
The Electoral College comprises of 12 principal officers of the
Ward Executive Committee from the chairman, vice-chairman, secretary,
women leader, youth leader, organising secretary, treasurer, legal
adviser, publicity secretary, welfare secretary, auditor and financial
secretary.
The delegates shall also include all members of the Local
Government Executive Committee from the Local Government Areas in the
state; all members of the State Executive Committee; all members of the
National Executive Committee from the state; all members of the Board of
Trustees and National Caucus from the state; all elected persons from
the state and all other statutory delegates to the National Convention.
Members, going by the guidelines, shall vote by secret ballot at the state capital and the winner announced accordingly.
This is simply on paper, but in practice, other aspirants,
including that or those coming from the Fashola camp, feel the
guidelines are skewed in favour of the Tinubu group.
Meaning the outcome of the primaries is already foretold: Going the way of the National Leader and his protégée, Ambode.
“Unless, of course, handled to the satisfaction of all potential
aggrieved aspirants, the ripple effect of such an eventuality cannot be
imagined in this season of the PDP plotting to take over Lagos and the
entire Southwest,” a source noted last night.
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